Posts Tagged ‘shoes’

Rare Aor

Rare Aor

Life events aor wo lamhe

For adult educators, youth workers and those concerned with lifelong learning one of the great attractions of the literature examining life course development is that it may identify qualities or problems that are the distinctive property of young people and adults. If this can be done then the grounds exist for the establishment of specialisms such as youth work and adult education or learning. In the case of the latter, for example, we might look to possibilities around: process - do adults think differently? (This is what came to the centre of Knowles' theory of andragogy) situations - do they find themselves in different circumstances to other age groups? experiences - does the accumulation of experience change things. What difference does having been through a greater range of things make? A further interest is that if there are some qualities that are uniquely youthful or adult, there may be implications for the sort of learning environments that could, and should, be fostered - and what subject matter should be attended to. Development How are we to define development? The first and obvious element is change - that development involves movement from one state to another. As a result an interest in development leads one to a concern for transitions. How is it that a person moves from this state to that? A second aspect is that this change is understood to have a permanent or lasting impact, or at least having some degree of 'carry-forward'. However, development is not change of any kind. The feeling of satiety after a good meal clearly involves change, but no one would see that as developmental... Reference to lasting change does not provide a satisfactory solution, because some alterations that are obviously developmental may have no long term consequences; they serve their purposes at the time but they leave no lasting imprint... On the other hand some degree of carry-forward would seem to be necessary for most aspects of development. (Rutter and Rutter 1992: 63) Third, in common usage developmental often refers to growth, to a progression through certain stages. More than that it is frequently linked to an unfolding, a movement toward a certain fixed point. In terms of human development the notion commonly used here is 'maturity'. Here we move into contested territory. While it may be possible to get some agreement about where physical growth stops, how are we to approach personality development? What may be maturity to one person or culture, may be nothing of the sort to another. Furthermore, 'maturity' is something that is presumably demonstrated in action - and what may be appropriate behaviour in one setting or situation is not in another. Some writers have tried to find a way around this by turning to endpoints like adulthood, individuality, inner unity, self-actualization and so on. However, each of these notions is still borne of a particular historical moment and culture - and there are distinct problems in thinking of them as universals. Building on these elements Rutter and Rutter (1992: 64) use the following as a working definition of development in relation to humans: systematic, organized, intra-individual change that is clearly associated with generally expectable age-related progressions and which is carried forward in some way that has implications for a person's pattern or level of functioning at some later time The concern here with intra-individual change does highlight a problem in some of the literature. There has been a tendency to focus on what is going on inside the individual with a corresponding lack of appreciation of inter-personal or social forces and dynamics (see selfhood). This ties in to all those rather fruitless nature-nurture debates that were especially prevalent in the 1960s and 1970s. Arguably, today, with the development of genetic research, and more sophisticated appreciations of the self, the focus is rather more on gene-environment interaction. This involves looking for the various ways in which genetic influences may orient and open up people in different ways to environmental influences; and how environmental elements may become part of a genetic inheritance. However, looking at a definition like this we can get stuck on the notion of 'progressions' - there may be changes or transitions - but are they all forward movements? What are these changes? Stages One attractive way of handling the idea of development has been through the idea that people pass through various stages. People are seen as making systematic progression in a certain order through a series of phases. Step by step they move closer to some form of adult status. This movement can be seen as involving changes in intellectual and physical powers (for example around changes in intelligence, expertise and ability to reason); and the impact of life events and experiences. Aristotle proposed a three-stage model, Solon divided life into nine seven year stages, Confucius identified six stages, The Sayings of the Fathers (from the Talmud) contain fourteen stages, and Shakespeare proposed seven stages (Tennant and Pogson 1995: 69). One, quite popular way of expressing this is from Levinson (see below and taken from Tennant and Pogson 1995). In this model ‘each era has its distinctive and unifying character of learning' (op. cit.: 72). Each transition between eras requires a change in the character of one's life (and this can take between three and six years to complete). At the same time there is a process of individuation occurring. Exhibit 1: Levinson on development (Tennant and Pogson 1995) Levinson argues that the life cycle comprises a sequence of four eras, each lasting for approximately twenty-five years. He also identifies a number of developmental periods within these eras, concentrating on early and middle adulthood. The eras and main developmental periods he identifies are as follows: 1. Childhood and adolescence: birth to age-twenty (early childhood transition by age three) 2. Early adulthood: age seventeen to forty-five Early adult transition-seventeen to twenty-two Entering the adult world-twenty-two to twenty-eight Age thirty transition-twenty-eight to thirty-three Settling down-thirty-three to forty 3. Middle adulthood: age forty to sixty-five Midlife transition-forty to forty-five Entering middle adulthood-forty-five to fifty Age fifty transition-fifty to fifty-five Culmination of middle adulthood-fifty-five to sixty 4. Late adulthood: age sixty on Late adult transition-sixty to sixty-five According to Levinson, each era has its distinct and unifying character of living. Each transition between eras thus requires a basic change in the character of one's life, which may take between three and six years to complete. Within the broad eras are periods of development, each period being characterized by a set of tasks and an attempt to build or modify one's life structure. For example, in the Early Adult Transition period the two primary tasks are to move out of the pre-adult world and to make a preliminary step into the adult world. Similarly, during the Settling Down period, the two tasks are to establish a niche in society and to work for progress and advancement in that niche. A pervasive theme throughout the various periods is the existence of the "Dream." It has the quality of a vision, an imagined possibility that generates excitement and vitality. It is our projection of the ideal life. The place and nature of the "Dream" in one's life is constantly modified and revisited throughout the life course as the imagined self is compared with the world as it is lived. Another fundamental process occurring throughout the life cycle is that of individuation. This refers to the changing relationship between self and the external world throughout the life course. It begins with the infant's dawning knowledge of its separate existence in a world of animate and inanimate objects. It is apparent in the tasks of the Early Adult Transition; one of the principal tasks being to modify or terminate existing relationships with family and significant others and to reappraise and modify the self accordingly. Indeed, much of developmental progress is couched in terms of the changing nature of the relationship between self and others, such as mentor relationships, love and family relationships, and occupational relationships. In Midlife, relationships are re-appraised again; this takes the form of a struggle between the polarities of attachment and separateness: We use the term "attachment" in the broadest sense, in order to encompass all the forces that connect person and environment. To be attached, is to be en aged, involved, needy, plugged in, seeking, rooted.... At the opposite pole is separateness. This is not the same thing as isolation or aloneness. A person is separate when he is primarily involved in his inner world-a world of imagination, fantasy, play. His main interest is not in adapting to the "real world" but in constructing and exploring an imagined world, the enclosed world of his inner self [Levinson 1979: 239]. Levinson views Midlife as a period where one needs to redress the dominance of attachment to the external world: to find a better, balance between the needs of the self and the needs of society - a greater integration of separateness and attachment: "Greater individuation allows him to be more separate from the world, to be more independent and self generating. But it also gives him the confidence and understanding to have more intense attachments in the world and to feel more fully a part of it" (p. 195). Individuation is also apparent in the attempt to integrate polarities within the self, such as the masculine and feminine polarity, and the polarities between young and old, destruction and creation. The process of individuation is thus paradoxical: it points to a developmental move away from the world, but this independence and separateness is used to make the individual part of the world and to integrate previously separated aspects of the self. As Rutter and Rutter have noted in such models there has been a concentration on the universals of development rather than individual difference. Thus, Freudian theory emphasized psychosexual stages, oral, anal, phallic, latency and genital. Piaget, by contrast, focused on cognitive mechanisms in the progression from the sensorimotor stage of infancy through the pre-operational and concrete operations stage (in which logical reasoning comes to the fore) or adolescence onwards. Kohlberg extended the approach to moral development, with stages representing different levels of moral maturity (pre-conventional, conventional etc.). Gesell charted development in terms of a series of milestones in physical, motor and perceptual domains. Erikson, too, saw development as a progression through stages, but differed from the others in his emphasis on the importance of interactions with society and in the extension of development into and through adult life. His focus was on psycho-social transitions, with stages characterized by age-defined social tasks and crises involving features such as identity, intimacy and generativity. There are a number of issues with such theories. The first arises from the sheer scale of their endeavours. By seeking to be universal theories, by looking to explain some aspect of all our development, they over-reach themselves. While there may be some universals of growth when we come to examine the individual life things are rarely that straightforward. Second, as Rutter and Rutter (op cit) again comment, by concentrating on stages such theories imply 'a mechanical predictability that is out of keeping with the dynamics of change, the extent of the flux over time and the degree of individual variability that seems to be the case'. Here we only need reflect on our own biographies and to turn to one of these stage theories. The movement through our lives is not so clear cut, there are all sorts of stuttering steps forward, steps back, and pauses. Third, our own biographies are likely to show significant deviations from the path laid out by the theories. 'Stages' may be missed out, other ways of naming a phase or experiences may be more appropriate. The reality is that in any of these domains there is no one universal path, nor is there some fixed end point - 'normal maturity'. Detailed studies of socio-emotional development reveal a different tale: 'it is likely that children take a variety of paths, and that adult outcome cannot be sensibly be reduced to differences in levels of maturity' (op. cit.). Gender, culture and political convenience On top of all this are questions anyway about whether stage theories such as those developed by Kohlberg, Erikson and Piaget can be applied universally. They have been formed within specific social contexts - and the research largely undertaken in respect of boys and men. Perhaps the best known rehearsing of the arguments around this question is the 'Kohlberg-Gilligan' Controversy (discussed at some length in relation to moral theory in Benhabib 1992: 148-202; Tennant 1988 also mentions it). Basically, the beginning claim that Gilligan and her associates made was that Kohlberg's research into moral development reflected a long-standing gender bias. That, for example, certain 'female characteristics' such as a concern with relationships, were substantially underrated by the researchers. This meant that when women took the tests associated with the Kohlberg research they consistently scored lower than men. There are all sorts of issues around this debate including the danger of slipping into an essentialist position i.e. that there are 'natural' differences with regard to ethics and moral development between men and women. However, what remains is a continuing challenge to universal theories of this kind. We can turn to other problems concerning cultural bias. Many of the dominant theories have been devised within particular value systems and in relation to a limited range of cultures. The problem has been is that they are then hawked around as apparently universal theories. If our sense of selfhood varies from one culture to another, then this places a major question mark against universal theories of adult development. Life events We have been looking approaches that try to chart the life-course via stages or phases - as Tennant and Pogson put it, ‘periods of stability, equilibrium and balance that alternate, in a largely predictable way with periods of instability and transition'. As an alternative we can look to those theorists that stress the large differences in the way that life courses are made. One way of looking at this is look at the disruptive impact of life events or transitions (defined as a discontinuity in a person's life) and the scale of readjustment required. he product of stress and coping research is the concept of a life event which refers to changes in an individual's life that are likely to have an impact on subsequent behavior. Such major changes can be either negative, such as death of a close family member, or positive, such as marriage. In addition to important life events, there are small life events—"hassles" or "uplifts." For example a hassle might be having too many things to do; an uplift might be meeting a good friend. A person's life events have been measured frequently by using lists of events that the person has to check. Methodological problems (e.g., unwillingness to report very private problems) have prompted the development of clinical interviews. Models Life events have been incorporated into theoretical models designed to explain coping. A well-known example is a model of coping formulated by the stress researcher R. S. Lazarus, which emphasizes the cognitive evaluation of the event. This evaluation includes the personal relevance of the event, its potential to affect well-being (primary appraisal), and the evaluation of the options one can use for coping (secondary appraisal). A means of analyzing coping processes, this evaluation leads to either favorable or unfavorable resolution (or no resolution) and, possibly, to reappraisal, when there is a change in circumstances. The model was applied to a variety of stressors, including bereavement. Life Events in a Life Span Perspective Lazarus's approach was also used to develop a life span. Such a model considers life events in their life-stage or sociohistorical context. Death of a spouse, for example, may have a devastating effect at age thirty-five than at eighty-five. The change in the meaning of a life event, according to its position in the life span, has prompted the gerontologist B. L. Neugarten to distinguish between "on time" and "off time" events. The life span perspective has encouraged a consideration of life events within the general concept of a life story. Individuals create comprehensive life stories. The life story is recreated and revised in an effort to provide life "with a sense of unity and purpose" (McAdams 1992, p. 344). According to the life-span psychologist D. P. McAdams, particular life events—"nuclear episodes"— show either continuity or change over time. In addition to their conceptualization within a life story, life events can be considered in relation to one's identity. Thus, life-span psychologist S. K. Whitbourne describes experienced events as being either assimilated into one's identity or accommodated by changing to fit the event. An individual who uses assimilation frequently might deny the significance of an age-related sign or a life-threatening disorder.

Sassy Jones - Lonely Nights (1986 RARE AOR)

Slip Double

Slip Double

Double Your Income - How to Create an Electrifying Money Goal

Would you like to make more money and double your income in the next year? If you're like most solo entrepreneurs, the thought sounds very attractive. But, then things start getting fuzzy about how you are going to accomplish that goal. You might even talk yourself out of thinking it's even possible!

Before you know it, time slips away, and you've seen no forward momentum toward increasing your income. Does this sound familiar to you?

I, too, at one time, had this problem. But, then I changed my mindset...

One day, when I was talking with a professor from the graduate school I was attending, he asked me what direction I was headed with my M.B.A. and women-owned business. I told him I wanted to grow my consulting firm, do some speaking, and earn a decent income ($150,000 sounded about right). Right then, he cautioned me not to think 'too small' and limit myself. He told me, "Think small, and you'll get small. You might as well think big, because you have nothing to lose, and everything to gain."

That conversation was one of those "Aha" moments for me. Immediately, my mindset shifted, and from that day forward, I began to challenge myself at every opportunity to 'think bigger'. Now, my income goals for my coaching and consulting business are to create a 7-figure business. Can I achieve it? You bet! And so can you, if you set your own Electrifying Money Goal.

The small business marketing and money growth system I've created is called your "Electrifying Money Goal". The concept is simple, and has worked to help me double my income the last year, and be on track to double it again this year.

Here are four small business marketing and money growth strategies you can use today to leverage this powerful tool:

1. Choose a Short Time Frame

The shorter the time frame, the better. Short time frames give you clarity, help you focus, and create momentum because their deadline is a short time away...which helps to get you moving to accomplish the goal. I suggest working within a 30 - 90 day timeframe. This timeframe compels you to think of specific actions you're going to take to 'now' to achieve your money goal. Give yourself too much time, and you may procrastinate because a sense of urgency in accomplishing the goal is lost.

2. Stretch Yourself

The Electrifying Money Goal gets you to stretch your thinking, and spark your creativity about how you're going to reach the goal. Aim too low and it's likely you won't make any significant changes in your business, or progress. That's why I recommend you create a 'stretch goal'. Stretch goals are seemingly unobtainable with present resources. But, by specifying the unattainable, you are required to "think outside the box". Doing so will help you improve your performance by a magnitude you had never thought possible.

Be willing to "stretch yourself" to achieve the money goal of doubling your income. I recommend that solo entrepreneurs choose an amount that is 50 percent more than they are currently earning, for the next 30 - 90 day period. Challenge yourself! What do you have to lose?

3. Pick Low-Hanging Fruit, First

To achieve the money goal you determined, look for the low-hanging fruit that's just waiting for you to pluck it off the "Money Tree". Low-hanging fruit are typically services and products you already have that can be re-launched, re-titled, or expanded. Dust these items off, because they represent unrealized income increasing opportunities.

4. Be Creative and Forge New Ideas

In addition to looking at existing products and services you can offer (the low-hanging fruit), be open to new ideas, services, and products you can create to achieve your goal. The whole idea of the Electrifying Money Goal is to take a big leap forward in expanding your solo entrepreneur business.

Big leaps forward require passion, courage, and a plan. By creating an Electrifying Money Goal every 30 - 90 days, this will help you create the energy and action steps to take to achieve your ideal income faster and easier than you ever thought was possible!

Copyright 2008, Bonita Richter

Mythbusters S07E03 Banana Slip Double Dip HDTV Part01 of 5.avi

Criss Cross

Criss Cross

Ugg Classic Argyle

The latest model in trendy sheepkin boots is the Ugg Classic Argyle. In the outback areas of Australia, Ugg style boots have been worn for a long time before they were discovered by surfers and tourists. Boots of this type have been used since humans begin herding sheep. Now the sheepskin footwear is really popular all over the world.

Pilots during the World Wars favored Ugg boots because they are warm and comfortable while in the cold, high altitudes. In the 1960s, surfers started wearing the household shoes in public. The Ugg boots were soon all over the United States, due to an Australian surfer bringing over a couple pair. The Australian UGG company was bought by Deckers in 1995.

The Ugg Classic boot went through many design changes and additions to the product line. Runway models have shown these off and even Oprah have featured the boots on her show three times. Even Pamela Anderson wore them on set for Baywatch.

The Ugg Argyle is one of the many styles of Uggs. This is a knitted boot with the classic argyle criss-cross design. The Ugg Classic Argyle have the traditional sheepskin sock lining and reinforced suede heel. The soles are made from a non-slip rubber material. The style allows then to be worn log or slouched down

The fit of these boots are natural and comfortable. The lining keeps your feet cool in the summer and warm in the winter. The Classic Argyle Uggs can be found in various stores around the world, not to mention on several websites.

Kris Kross - Jump Music Video + Lyrics